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page 6
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The opposition to the war
in Iraq was very strong in Japan. And the government just
ignored the public will, which was against participation.
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This was true in every country. There
was an international poll last December by Gallup, the
major polling organization, in which many countries were
polled around the world on Iraq. The main question was,
"Would you support a war fought by the United States
and its allies without U.N. authorization?" Allies
means Britain, so the question really was, "Would
you support a U.S./British war without U.N. authorization,"
which is, of course, what they did. The highest figure
they got anywhere, I think, was 11% in Romania. In most
countries, it was very low. In fact, even when they asked,
"with U.N. authorization," it was also pretty
low. But without U.N. authorization, namely the war that
was fought, it was almost nothing. That wasn't reported
in the United States. |
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How do you see things in
Japan? Do you have a sense of where Japan is headed? |
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I hate to talk about Japan. You people
know a lot more about it than I do. It's pretty clear
from observing from a distance that there's a kind of
a split developing. The policy is moving in a rightward,
militaristic direction. On the other hand, the population
is clearly much more open and free than it was before.
For example, discussions like this five or ten years ago
in Japan would have been very unlikely.
I should say, I've been visiting Japan for some 40 years
now. I travel in a lot of countries, and until recently
it was the only country in the world where I was never
asked to give political talks, or have political interviews.
I had plenty of interviews, but they were on professional
topics, and I gave professional talks and so on. That's
changed a lot in the last couple of years. That's what
it looks like to me in one direction.
On the other hand, if you look at policies, it's going
in the other direction. It's just like the United States.
The United States is much more open than it was a couple
of years ago. There are huge audiences for talks and books,
tremendous demand and so on. On the other hand, policy
is shifting so far to the right that positions that were
regarded as outlandish a couple of years ago are right
in the middle of the spectrum today. |
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The public opposition, in
the form of demonstrations and things like that, was a
bit slow to develop in Japan. But, when it did develop
it was quite strong, historically, very large numbers.
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I wouldn't say that it was slow [to
develop]. I think we have a funny perspective when we
say that. If you go back, say, to the Vietnam War, there
were finally big demonstrations of protest, but that was
after about six or seven years of war. There was so little
protest that people don't even remember that the U.S.
attacked South Vietnam in 1962. That's when Kennedy sent
the U.S. Air Force to start bombing South Vietnam. That's
when they started carrying out chemical warfare programs
to destroy food crops, started rounding up millions of
people in strategic hamlets, essentially concentration
camps. There was no protest. It was five or six years
later that protest became substantial.
The same on other issues. There was a huge anti-nuclear
movement in the United States, I think it was [supported
by] about 75% of the population in the early 80's, but
that was after decades and decades of major threats of
nuclear war. We just learned last October what may be
one of the most startling discoveries in history. It was
right in the middle of all the fuss about attacking Iraq,
and the national security strategy. I don't know if this
was reported in Japan. There was a meeting in Havana for
the 40th anniversary of the Cuban Missile Crisis, with
key decisionmakers from the United States, Russia and
Cuba. Robert McNamara and others participated.
They knew at the time, in 1962, that the Missile Crisis
was, as [the historian] Arthur Schlesinger described it,
"the most dangerous moment in human history."
They knew that. It was very close. But, they didn't know
how close it was. New information was revealed at the
last meeting. It turned out that there were Russian submarines
armed with nuclear torpedoes, and they were under attack
by U.S. destroyers. Two of the submarine commanders authorized
shooting nuclear-tipped torpedoes, which would have led
to a nuclear response, and we wouldnt be talking.
One Russian submarine commander countermanded the order.
That's how close it was. This was learned last October.
And that is not the only case. There have been case after
case, some of them very dangerous. |
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One last question, which
is often asked at screenings of the film: How do you maintain
your sense of optimism amidst all these unfolding events? |
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One thing is what weve been talking
about. The populations of the world, in my opinion at
least, are becoming much more civilized. Theyre
much more concerned about things. They're looking into
issues seriously, acting on them. There are very important
developments in the world which we haven't discussed:
the international opposition to the war in Iraq is completely
without precedent. There has never, in the history of
Europe and the United States at least, been such massive
protest against a war before it was launched. It takes
years usually.
The global justice movements are, again, without precedent.
They're international, there's a lot of international
solidarity, North/South solidarity. They're dedicated
to serious issues. They're working hard. These are very
promising developments.
Basically they're two trajectories in the world. There's
one towards war, destruction, repression, demolition of
progressive achievements and so on. That's very clear.
There's another that's going quite in the opposite direction,
and it's just a question of which one will prevail. We're
not going to have a lot of time to answer that question.
The survival of the species is a fragile matter at this
point. Somebody, again, observing this from Mars would
not put very high odds on human survival. |
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So, it's up to us to make
it happen. Thank you, I appreciate your time. |
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(c) Noam Chomsky.
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